Trump Supporters Make America White Again

• Journal Listing
• Front Psychol
• PMC8079816

Front Psychol. 2021; 12: 555667.

Making America Great Again? National Nostalgia's Effect on Outgroup Perceptions

Anna Maria C. Behler

ⁱPsychology Department, North Carolina Country University, Raleigh, NC, United states of america

Athena Cairo

²Psychology Department, Virginia Commonwealth Academy, Richmond, VA, Us

Jeffrey D. Green

ⁱⁱPsychology Department, Virginia Commonwealth Academy, Richmond, VA, United states of america

Calvin Hall

²Psychology Department, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA, United States

Received 2022 Apr 25; Accustomed 2022 Mar v.

Information Availability Statement

The datasets presented in this study can be establish in online repositories. All reported study hypotheses, measures, and methods were preregistered through the Open Scientific discipline Framework, available at https://osf.io/mwh6n. De-identified data and study information can be viewed at https://osf.io/6j4gm/. Some survey measures listed in the preregistration were not analyzed in this study and therefore not listed in this report.

Abstract

Nostalgia is a fond longing for the past that has been shown to increase feelings of significant, social connectedness, and self-continuity. Although nostalgia for personal memories provides intra- and interpersonal benefits, at that place may be negative consequences of group-based nostalgia on the perception and acceptance of others. The presented research examined national nostalgia (a form of collective nostalgia), and its effects on group identification and political attitudes in the United States. In a sample of US voters (Due north = 252), tendencies to feel personal and national nostalgia are associated with markedly different emotional and attitudinal profiles. Higher levels of national nostalgia predicted both positive attitudes toward President Trump and racial prejudice, though in that location was no evidence of such relationships with personal nostalgia. National nostalgia most strongly predicted positive attitudes toward president Trump amidst those high in racial prejudice. Furthermore, nostalgia's positive relationship with racial prejudice was partially mediated by perceived outgroup threat. Results from this written report will help us better understand how the experience of national nostalgia tin can influence attitudes and motivate political beliefs.

Keywords: national nostalgia, prejudice, intergroup relations, emotion, political differences

Throughout Donald Trump's tumultuous presidential campaign and tenure, journalists and scholars sought to explain his appeal to many American voters. In the 2022 presidential ballot, every bit many every bit nine million voters who previously supported Barack Obama, the commencement Black president, voted for Trump despite his inflammatory race-focused rhetoric (Skelley, 2017). One concept repeatedly emerged within these discussions equally a mainstay of Trump's political appeal: that of nostalgia, broadly defined as a bittersweet longing for the past. Evidence of Trump's appeals to an before fourth dimension in American history have been cited from the get-go of the 2022 presidential campaign through his failed 2022 reelection entrada, ranging from the salient cornball reverie of the "Brand America Great Again" campaign slogan (Samuelson, 2016) to more than coded political rhetoric promising White, working class Americans a return to times that have been lost (Brownstein, 2016).

Some have hypothesized that such nostalgic rhetoric may capitalize on voters' latent feelings of threat to their economic welfare, or to the racial or cultural homogeneity of American culture (Brownstein, 2016; Smeekes et al., 2020). On a broad scale, nostalgia focused on nationality is a prominent feature of right-wing populist party rhetoric, and testify from voters in the Netherlands suggests that the emphasis of stigmatizing outgroups and preserving cultural hegemony within nostalgic messaging is what explains the link between nostalgia and right-wing populist back up (Smeekes et al., 2020). In the The states, several studies provide stiff evidence of a link between support for Trump and group prejudice. For example, survey research has indicated that racial and anti-immigrant resentment strongly predicted voters' support of Trump in 2016, more then even than voter'south feelings of economic threat (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018; Schaffner et al., 2018). Additionally, a longitudinal assay of police reports evidenced a pregnant increment in detest crimes reported in Trump-supporting counties in the six months post-obit the 2022 presidential election (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). Still, no inquiry has of yet established whether Trump'due south cornball rhetoric may be associated with voters' attitudes toward racial outgroups. To this end, in this newspaper, we present evidence that national nostalgia, an emotion distinct from personal nostalgia, is associated with increased prejudice equally well equally support for the populist messaging of Donald Trump.

The Sociality of Nostalgia

Nostalgia is a mostly positive emotion that increases self-regard, attenuates self-esteem defence, enhances meaning in life, increases perceptions of cocky-continuity, and lessens feelings of existential threat (Wildschut et al., 2006; Routledge et al., 2008). Well-nigh people report experiencing nostalgia on a regular footing (Wildschut et al., 2006) and often structure their present in anticipation of experiencing nostalgia in the future (Cheung et al., 2020). Nostalgia is triggered in various means, including by music, scents, and reflecting on past momentous events (Barrett et al., 2010; Reid et al., 2015; Sedikides et al., 2015b). This emotion also serves vital relational functions, increasing social connectedness and perceived social support (Sedikides et al., 2008).

The social connexion function of nostalgia is a primary avenue through which nostalgia confers positive psychological benefits. Although nostalgic memories are more than likely to exist evoked while experiencing negative bear on (Wildschut et al., 2006) and loneliness (Zhou et al., 2008), the content of cornball memories evoked during these emotional states seem to deed as a "repository" of positive affect, positive self-regard, and social connexion (Sedikides et al., 2008, p. 306). The content of nostalgic memories is predominantly social, including recollections of close others, important social events, or tangible objects reminiscent of loved ones (Wildschut et al., 2006; Batcho et al., 2008). Equally a result of this, cornball memories seem to indirectly regulate these positive emotions by evoking and making more salient i'due south symbolic connections with others (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). For case, nostalgia felt in response to loneliness has been shown to reduce perceptions of isolation and low social support (Zhou et al., 2008). In organizational contexts, cornball emotions buffer the negative furnishings of low social support (due to procedural injustice) on reduced cooperation (van Dijke et al., 2015).

Importantly, those who are more likely to experience nostalgia (i.due east., those high in personal nostalgia) are also more motivated to control prejudicial feelings and reduce their expression of prejudices against outgroups as a result of these positive benefits (Cheung et al., 2017). Four studies of Caucasian Americans examined the links between personal nostalgia and the expression of both breathy and more subtle prejudice toward African Americans (Cheung et al., 2017). They found that the link between personal nostalgia and prejudice reduction was mediated by feelings of empathy, suggesting that the feel of nostalgia offers advantages beyond the cocky.

National Nostalgia vs. Personal Nostalgia

The link between nostalgia and sociality becomes more complex when considering nostalgia felt for 1's group. Although nostalgia felt at the individual level confers both intra- and interpersonal benefits, group-based nostalgia appears to take a distinct psychological profile from personal nostalgia. Group-based emotions, as distinct from individual-level emotions, arise when individuals self-categorize with a social group and integrate the group into their sense of self (Seger et al., 2009). Furthermore, group-based emotions can differ markedly from their analogous individual level counterparts, such every bit when an individual might feel strong pride and happiness for their domicile squad while not feeling strong pride in themselves (Smith and Mackie, 2016). Furthermore, grouping-based emotions serve a regulatory function of strengthening positive attitudes and behavioral intentions toward both their ingroup and threatening outgroups (Smith et al., 2007; Seate and Mastro, 2015).

Group-based nostalgia—operationalized every bit nostalgia felt for events shared with ane's ingroup, or collective nostalgia—can be experienced in a variety of social settings, including organizations, schoolhouse classes (east.g., Class of 2021), cities, and nations (Wildschut et al., 2014; Smeekes, 2015; Greenish et al., 2021). Like individual-level nostalgia, shared memories can include notable events, such every bit a special performance (band or orchestra), graduation day, homecoming (higher class), or sports championships (metropolis). Notwithstanding, unlike private-level nostalgia, group-based nostalgia can occur in the form of a longing for a by that individuals themselves did not experience, simply rather one that was passed downward through collective memory (Martinovic et al., 2017). Additionally, commonage nostalgia has been shown to increase positive attitudes equally well as an approach-oriented activity tendency toward the ingroup relative to an individually experienced nostalgic memory (Wildschut et al., 2014, Study 1). Collective nostalgia likewise tin increase group-oriented prosociality (e.thousand., willingness to volunteer or donate money to help the ingroup; Wildschut et al., 2014; Greenish et al., 2021). Collective self-esteem mediated this effect: recalling a commonage cornball issue increased commonage self-esteem, which, in turn, increased intentions to volunteer. Other research has found additional ingroup benefits to collective nostalgia, such a preference for domestic (vs. strange) consumer products (Dimitriadou et al., 2019) and a promotion of collective political action (in Hong Kong; Cheung et al., 2017).

However, at that place are two sides to this money. A preference for domestic products is too a bias against foreign products, and the promotion of collective political action was driven past anger and contempt for the outgroup (i.east., Hong Kong residents toward mainland Chinese; Cheung et al., 2017). Individuals who recalled a collective nostalgic memory (vs. an ordinary collective memory) were more than willing to punish outgroup members who were unfair to an ingroup member (Wildschut et al., 2014, Study 3). Still, in some cases, commonage nostalgia might increase intergroup contact when individuals can feel collective nostalgia for a superordinate group (Martinovic et al., 2017). In a written report of sometime Yugoslavians who had settled in Australia, Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs who identified with Yugoslavia (when these groups were leap together prior to segmentation and subsequent conflict) reported feeling more than nostalgic for Yugoslavia and reported more contact with the ethnic groups that had resided in the former Yugoslavia (simply non control ethnic groups).

National nostalgia is i type of collective nostalgia that is felt while self-categorizing as a denizen of a specific country, and is likely to exist associated with particular intra- and intergroup attitudes and behavioral intentions. Merely as personal nostalgia during times of modify and upheaval tin can facilitate coping (e.g., attenuating loneliness) (Zhou et al., 2008), national nostalgia—a reverie for a country'southward good quondam days—may increase felt closeness to fellow natives during times of national stress or dubiety. Still, nostalgic revelry at the national level may exclude other citizens, such every bit recent immigrants or minorities (Smeekes and Jetten, 2019). Studies of national nostalgia amid Dutch participants indicated that national nostalgia predicted prejudice toward religious minorities in the country (Smeekes et al., 2014) also as prejudice toward Muslim countries (Smeekes, 2015). Notably, these outgroup attitudes were non predicted past personal nostalgia, which has been shown to be associated with decreased intergroup prejudice (Cheung et al., 2017). This distinction between personal and national nostalgia may lie in the extent to which outgroups pose an emotional threat to the self.

National Nostalgia and Outgroup Threat

The intergroup threat theory (Stephan et al., 1999) posits that intergroup prejudice and hostility is largely explained by perceptions of threats to one'south ingroup past an outgroup. In line with this theory, substantial prove has establish that intergroup prejudice is strongly influenced past both realistic and symbolic threat perception (Stephan et al., 2002; Mutz, 2018). Realistic threats are perceived threats to 1's actual well-being, and typically include the domains of concrete safety, political power, and economic security. Symbolic threats are more abstruse, dealing with the cultural norms, ideologies, values, and traditions of one'southward ingroup (Stephan and Stephan, 2000). Realistic threats tend to be elicited from groups that are more economically powerful, whereas symbolic threats come up about from marginalized outgroups who are perceived as highly dissimilar, and thus oft inferior, to an ingroup (Stephan et al., 1999). Though these constructs are distinct and examined separately in the literature, at that place often is overlap betwixt them, especially considering the demographic, economical, and social dynamics of some ingroups and outgroups. To be specific, when a marginalized minority grows in political, economical, or representative power, realistic and symbolic threats can exist conflated (Craig and Richeson, 2014).

One salient cistron in perceived threat for members of majority groups is the size of minority outgroups, with more threat being evoked by larger outgroups (Giles, 1977; Craig and Richeson, 2018) or even through messages endorsing diversity (Dover et al., 2016). In one notable fix of studies by Craig and Richeson (2014), White American participants who read that the U.s.a. population was becoming more diverse (relative to command conditions)—that the percent of whites was dropping—reported more explicit (studies 1 and 3) and implicit (studies 2a and 2b) prejudice toward non-White outgroups and pro-White attitudinal bias. I possible explanation on why national and personal nostalgia are associated with unlike intergroup attitudes may be due to different levels of social categorization evoked, leading to differing levels of perceived threat. Personal nostalgia, which is associated with continuity of personal identity (Sedikides et al., 2015a) and evokes strong feelings of social connexion, likewise has downstream implications for reducing feet and hostility toward outgroup members (for a review, see Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). In dissimilarity, feeling national nostalgia is associated with cocky-categorizing at the grouping level, evoking i'due south national identity (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015). Like to how personal nostalgia may be evoked when feeling disconnection at the individual level, national nostalgia has been shown to exist evoked in response to existential concerns nearly one's group-based identity, and may have the beneficial effect of reducing anxiety by bolstering perceptions of group continuity and connection (Smeekes et al., 2018). For case, trait national nostalgia amid Dutch participants was positively associated with wanting to protect national ingroup identity (Smeekes, 2015). Similarly, a cross-national survey across 27 countries found that existential concerns about the future of one'due south country predicted increased collective nostalgia, which in turn predicted greater ingroup belonging and anti-immigrant sentiment (Smeekes et al., 2018). However, when the presence or power of outgroups is salient (eastward.g., chronically or by the rhetoric of politicians), national nostalgia may increase perceived threat. Moreover, ingroup continuity may be threatened by consideration of outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2018). This may be particularly truthful for people whose views of the national past are distorted—for example, when whites in the United States feel a longing for a (whiter and more homogenized) by that never was. Thus, national nostalgia could increase this fear of the hereafter, leading to increased prejudice.

With the exception of a subsample of United States participants included in the cross-national study of Smeekes et al. (2018), this distinction has not been examined in the The states. Additionally, no studies have straight examined this theorized relationship in the context of political beliefs. Given that the tumultuous Trump years emphasized a number of political issues associated with national and ethnic identities, we extended this line of inquiry by examining whether perceived intergroup threat explains any establish human relationship betwixt national nostalgia and endorsement of symbolic prejudice.

National Nostalgia and Outgroup Perceptions in the Context of Political Messaging

Contempo piece of work has highlighted the prominence of national nostalgia in the rhetoric of right-fly populist political parties, and in detail its role in posing racial or national outgroups as scapegoats for perceived economic or cultural decline (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020). Political leaders often utilize national nostalgia in rhetorical strategy by emphasizing the discontinuity between a nation's past and present (Mols and Jetten, 2014), which then serves to evoke collective angst near group status (Smeekes et al., 2018). A content analysis of speeches by right-wing populist leaders in Western Europe found consequent themes of nostalgia for their state's "glorious past" while denigrating the country'due south nowadays, as well as themes emphasizing that a) opponents of the party were the cause of this aperture between by and present, and b) increasing the land'southward forcefulness and opposition to party opponents would return the nation to its former glory (Mols and Jetten, 2014). By emphasizing commonage identity discontinuity, and then highlighting a potential scapegoat to blame for that discontinuity, populist leaders offer listeners an outlet for restoring psychological well-beingness past denigrating the outgroups believed to be responsible (Smeekes et al., 2018). Indeed, national nostalgia has been shown to explain support for correct-wing populist policies and leaders via the denigration of immigrant and racial outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2020).

Similarly, the role of intergroup relations was a strong focus of Donald Trump's 2022 and 2022 presidential entrada rhetoricⁱ. In the 2022 entrada, Trump borrowed Ronald Reagan's 1980 slogan, "Brand America Great Again," and emphasized claims that the U.s.a. had deteriorated from its former status. Along with these statements, he made numerous controversial statements on race, implying that changing demographics were, in function, to blame for this decline (Pettigrew, 2017). This led political pundits to claim that Trump'south supporters were primarily White Americans who felt threatened by changing racial demographics and nostalgic for a past, whiter version of the United States. Go out polls from the 2022 presidential election appeared to support some of these claims, every bit White voters were the only racial demographic to support Donald Trump over Hillary Clinton, doing so by a large margin of twenty percentage points (CNN, 2016)^two. Furthermore, several bookish studies conducted in the wake of the 2022 election further supported the notion that intergroup attitudes played an of import function in voters' option to support Trump. Surveys conducted with representative panels establish that support for Trump was nigh strongly predicted by negative attitudes toward the increased proportion of non-White US citizens in the population and anti-globalization attitudes (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Major et al., 2018; Mutz, 2018).

To build upon this research, the aim of our report was to directly examine how voters' propensity to feel national nostalgia may explain support for Trump's populist rhetoric likewise as increases in racial prejudice in the Us post-obit the 2022 presidential election (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). Furthermore, we hoped to highlight the unique office of perceived realistic and symbolic threats in shaping Usa voters' political attitudes. We idea it appropriate to examine both realistic and symbolic threats given the unique role of Black Americans in United States history and the ever-evolving racial and indigenous demographics of the United States, of which White Americans are condign less of a bulk (US Census Agency, 2020).

The Electric current Study

Nosotros examined the function of national nostalgia in propagating intergroup racial hostility above and beyond political orientation. We explored how national nostalgia relates to political and racial attitudes among voters who participated in the 2022 U.s. presidential election. We too examined the interplay betwixt national nostalgia, pro-Trump attitudes, outgroup prejudice, and perceived outgroup threat.

Although previous inquiry examined survey data taken around the time of the 2022 presidential race (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018), our information were nerveless ~i yr after the ballot, assuasive u.s. to run across how our participants felt subsequently President Trump had been in office for some fourth dimension, and whether the nostalgic message of "Making America Cracking Again" even so resonated with voters. Minimal work on national nostalgia has been conducted, and to date, most all of this work has been conducted exterior of the United States; thus, this research would explore the potential link between national nostalgia and political attitudes likewise every bit study the phenomenon in the United states of america sociopolitical mural. In addition, we included a validated mensurate of personal nostalgia in order to better examine the association between personal and national nostalgia as well equally to assess whether each blazon of nostalgia might be associated with political attitudes.

Hypotheses

Nosotros tested one specific hypothesis and three exploratory inquiry questions, which were pre-registered on Open Science Framework (https://osf.io/mwh6n).

Hypothesis 1. National nostalgia would be positively related to pro-Trump attitudes (1a). No relationship was expected to be plant between personal nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump (1b).

Research Question i. Volition White or Republican identity exist positively related to pro-Trump attitudes?

Inquiry Question ii. Will national nostalgia be positively related to racial prejudice?

Inquiry Question 3. Will the relationship betwixt national nostalgia and racial prejudice be mediated by increased threat sensitivity?

Method

Participants

An a priori power analysis using Chiliad^*Power (Faul et al., 2009) indicated a minimum of 132 individuals would be needed to detect a small correlation of r = 0.09^three with 95% power and α = 0.05. Nosotros recruited 252 US citizens who voted in the 2022 presidential election and identified as either White or Black (57.9% female person, and 54.4% White). Participant age ranged from 18 to 79 (Thou = 36.34, SD = 12.68). Regarding political affiliation, 44.0% of the participants identified every bit Democrats, 25.4% Independent, 23.4% Republican, and 7.2% as Other. Participants were recruited through Amazon MTurk (www.mturk.com) during the Fall of 2022 and compensated $0.xxx for completing the survey.

Regarding our sample demographics, White individuals comprised approximately 74% of the electorate in the 2022 election (Pew Inquiry Eye, 2018); nevertheless, we purposefully oversampled Black voters for the purposes of achieving appropriate statistical power for our analyses. Additionally, Republicans comprised ~31% of the electorate, with Democrats and Independents making upward 35 and 34%, respectively. Thus, we feel that our sample is an accurate reflection of the 2022 US voters.

Measures

Personal Nostalgia

The Southampton Nostalgia Scale (SNS; Routledge et al., 2008) measured personal nostalgia, operationalized as how frequently participants experience nostalgia and how pregnant participants felt nostalgic experiences were to them. The calibration included seven items (e.chiliad., "How valuable is nostalgia for you?") rated from ane (Non at all) to 7 (Very much). To build on past national nostalgia enquiry (Smeekes et al., 2014), we use a validated measure of personal nostalgia (proneness to feeling personal nostalgia).

National Nostalgia

The National Nostalgia Scale (NNS; Smeekes et al., 2014, Study 1) measured participants' propensity to feel nostalgia on the basis of one's national ingroup membership. The calibration included four items rated from 1 (Very rarely) to 5 (Very oftentimes) scale. The NNS used in this written report was modified from the scale of Smeekes and Verkuyten (2015)^iv to reflect American nationality [eastward.chiliad., "How oftentimes practise you lot long for the America (Netherlands) of the past?"].

Positive Attitudes Toward Trump

In terms of political attitudes, we wanted to appraise positive sentiment toward the President as related to the experience of nostalgia. Therefore, we used a modified version of the State Functions of Nostalgia Scale (SFN; Hepper et al., 2012), which measures the extent to which nostalgia confers the positive benefits of social connectedness, well-being, self-regard, and overall positive touch on. Each detail was modified to assess how participants experienced these benefits as they related to Donald Trump's presidency. This calibration consisted of 16 items (east.g., "Thinking most the ballot of Donald Trump makes me feel protected/happy/life is worth living"), that were rated on a 1 (Not at all) to 5 (Extremely) scale.

Outgroup Threat Perception

The Realistic Threat Scale (RTS; Stephan et al., 2002) was employed to measure realistic threat perceptions (e.g., of social or economic harm) of Black individuals. The scale was examined only amidst White participants. The measure out includes 12 items (e.grand., "African Americans hold too many positions of power and responsibility in this country") rated on a 1 (Strongly disagree) to vii (Strongly agree) scale.

Racial Prejudice

The Symbolic Racism Calibration (SRS; Henry and Sears, 2002) was used to assess cognitive and melancholia dimensions of racial prejudice toward Black individuals. The measure consisted of eight items (east.g., "It'southward really a matter of some people not trying hard enough; if Blacks would but try harder they could be but also off equally Whites.") rated on a 1 (Strongly disagree) to 4 (Strongly agree) scale.

Political Measures

Participants reported their political orientation on a scale ranging from 1 (Very Liberal) to 7 (Very Conservative). Participants also chose which political political party they almost strongly identified with (Democrat, Republican, Contained, or Other). Participants so indicated which political candidate they voted for in the 2022 presidential ballot (Hillary Clinton, Donald Trump, or Other). They then responded to the question "How much exercise you experience like we need to 'Make America Bang-up Again'?" on a ane (Not at all) to 7 (Extremely) scale. Finally, participants reported their country of origin and whether English was their native language.

Indigenous Identity Salience

The Multi-Ethnic Identity Mensurate—Revised (MEIM-R; Phinney and Ong, 2007) was used to make up one's mind the centrality of participants' racial/ethnic backgrounds to their sense of self. The scale contains such as "I have a strong sense of belonging to my ethnic grouping," and each item was rated on a scale of 1 (Strongly disagree) to five (Strongly concord) scale.

Demographics

Participants terminal reported their gender, historic period, and racial identity.

Procedure

Participants signed up through Amazon Mturk to consummate an online survey about their attitudes toward the past, race, and politics. Subsequently indicating their informed consent, participants responded to all study measures and items in the society described above. All responses were nerveless over a unmarried, one week menses in the Fall of 2022 to avoid history artifacts in the data. Additionally, all participants passed attention checks ensuring that they were properly attending to questionnaire items. For the purposes of this survey, missing more than than two attention bank check items indicated insufficient attention and warranted non-inclusion of that participant's information.

Results

Descriptive statistics and cypher-order correlations are displayed in Table ane. To test our hypotheses, nosotros conducted a series of hierarchical linear regression models and bootstrapped mediation and moderation analyses to assess the relationship between nostalgia (national and personal) and political and intergroup attitudes using SPSS v. 20 and Hayes' Process macro v.3 (Hayes, 2013). Following these baseline models, we likewise support our findings using path analyses employing maximum likelihood estimation using IBM AMOS v. 26 (Due to a calculator fault, the national nostalgia data from 72 participants were unusable, reducing the northward for analyses including national nostalgia to 193, notwithstanding above the target based on the power analysis).

Table i

Descriptive statistics and bivariate correlations among written report variables.

Variable	i	2	3	4	v	6	7	8	nine	ten	12	13	xiv	M/Percent	SD
one	Indigenous/Racial Identity Salience	0.91													3.38	0.92
ii	Personal Nostalgia	0.15**	0.92												4.85	1.xix
3	National Nostalgia	0.18**	0.32***	0.90											two.85	1.sixteen
iv	Pro-Trump Attitudes	0.24***	0.08	0.49***	0.97										2.62	one.41
v	Outgroup Threat Perception	0.07	−0.01	0.44***	0.62***	0.98									two.38	1.52
6	Racial Prejudice	0.08	0.07	0.47***	0.63***	0.63***	0.84								0.34	0.23
7	MAGA	0.xiv**	0.02	0.52***	0.61***	0.54***	0.65***	–							3.33	ii.72
8	Political Orientation	0.12	0.01	0.46***	0.59***	0.47***	0.66***	0.67***	–						iii.48	i.76
ix	Republican	0.08	0.01	0.33***	0.52***	0.35***	0.51***	0.60***	0.63***	–					23.4%	–
10	Democrat	0.08	0.00	−0.28***	−0.35***	−0.25***	−0.38***	−0.47**	−0.53***	−0.49***	–				44.0%	–
xi	Independent	−0.fifteen*	−0.03	0.05	−0.14*	−0.05	−0.05	−0.02	0.02	−0.32***	−0.52***	–			25.4%	–
12	Gender	−0.05	−0.13*	−0.07	0.18**	0.18**	0.xix**	0.ten	0.fifteen*	0.05	−0.12	0.10	–		57.1% (F)	–
13	Age	0.01	0.10	0.08	−0.04	−0.twenty**	−0.08	0.02	0.01	−0.03	0.03	0.03	−0.03	–	36.34	12.68
14	Race	0.33***	−0.08	−0.12	−0.04	−0.07	−0.17**	−0.09	−0.07	−0.04	0.20**	−0.17***	−0.12	−0.17**	54.4% (EA)	–

Main Hypothesis

We offset assessed whether national nostalgia and personal nostalgia would be related to pro-Trump attitudes in the ways previously predicted. National nostalgia and personal nostalgia proneness were entered simultaneously in footstep 2 of the model to identify their unique relationship with attitudes toward Trump. In step 1 of the hierarchical model, political orientation significantly predicted pro-Trump attitudes such that higher conservatism was associated with more than positive attitudes of Trump, β = 0.59 t(192) = x.08, p < 0.001. In step ii of the model, national nostalgia was associated with more pro-Trump attitudes above and beyond political affiliation, β = 0.30, t(192) = 4.43, p < 0.001, supporting Hypothesis 1a. In contrast, personal nostalgia was not associated with pro-Trump attitudes in a higher place and beyond political orientation, β = −0.07, t(192) = −one.xiii, p = 0.259. Nostalgia predicted a significant proportion of variance in attitudes to a higher place and beyond political orientation, F _{(2, 189)} = 9.ninety, p < 0.001, R²Δ = 0.06.

To examine this relationship in a consolidated path model⁵, Figure one displays Path Model one, quantifying the human relationship between national and personal nostalgia and race, political orientation, ethnic identity salience, and pro-Trump attitudes. The model fit the information somewhat weakly due to the lower sample size [χ2(ane) = 23.01, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.89; RMSEA = 0.34; SRMR = 0.03]. Every bit shown in Model 1, Hypothesis one was once more supported: national nostalgia predicted pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.24, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia was unrelated to pro-Trump attitudes (β = −0.08, p = 0.156).

Path analysis of relationships between national/personal nostalgia, ethnic identity, and pro-Trump attitudes (Model 1). Note. Path coefficients correspond standardized estimates.

Research Question ane

To assess whether there was an clan betwixt race, political affiliation, and pro-Trump attitudes, we ran a two (Racial Identification) × 3 (Party Affiliation) ANOVA. Racial identification was coded with 0 = White/European-American, i = Blackness/African-American (shortened to W/EA and B/AA going forrad). Political political party affiliation was coded as 1 = Republican, 2 = Democrat, and 3 = Contained and were analyzed using an indicator multicategorical contrast. For the purposes of this analysis, information from participants who did not identify with one of these three major political groups were excluded. The model included 59 Republicans (34 W/EA, 25 B/AA), 111 Democrats (48 W/EA, 63 B/AA), and 64 Independents (44 West/EA, 24 B/AA). The factorial model found that political party amalgamation was the only significant predictor of holding positive attitudes toward President Trump, F _{(2, 228)} = 47.73, p < 0.001, partial ηⁱⁱ = 0.30, with Republicans (G = 3.94, SD = 1.22) more in favor of the president than their Democratic (Thousand = two.06, SD = 1.26) or Independent (One thousand = 2.27, SD = 1.06) counterparts. There was no principal effect of participant race (Black or White) on attitudes toward the President, F _{(1, 228)} = 0.47, p = 0.57, nor was in that location an interaction between political party amalgamation and participant race, F _{(2, 228)} = 0.05, p = 0.96. Figure 2 displays these results.

Human relationship between political party amalgamation and pro-Trump attitudes by racial identity. Note. Error bars represent 95% CIs around the mean for each subgroup.

To explore these results further, we examined whether ethnic identity salience, rather than race itself, may be an important qualifying variable in explaining pro-Trump attitudes. We examined whether political political party (dummy coded with Republican = 0 to compare against Democrats and Independents) interacted with race (dummy coded with W/EA = 0) to predict racial identity salience (measured past the MEIM) using Hayes' Procedure macro v. 3.four (model 1). We conducted a bootstrapped moderation analysis with 5,000 resamples, which indicated a significant higher-order interaction issue between political affiliation and race to predict ethnic identity salience, F _{(two, 228)} = 3.23, p = 0.041, R^twoΔ = 0.024. An analysis of the simple gradient effects indicated that there was a stronger difference in ethnic identity salience amid White participants compared with Black participants. White Republicans (Yard = iii.47, SD = 0.92) reported that their racial identity was significantly more important to them than their White Democratic [M = 3.04, SD = 0.91, b = −0.43, 95% CI = (−0.82, −0.04)] and Independent counterparts [Thousand = ii.89, SD = 0.92, b = −0.59, 95% CI = (−0.98, −0.nineteen)]; unproblematic gradient difference F _{(two, 228)} = 4.49, p < 0.001. In contrast, no significant deviation in racial identity salience was found among Blackness/African-American participants; unproblematic slope difference F _{(2, 228)} = 0.63, p = 0.537. In fact, an analysis of the simple principal effect of race amid Republicans indicated that White Republicans felt their racial identity was equally equally important to them every bit Black participants; M = three.73, SD = 0.83, b = 0.24, 95% CI = (−0.sixteen, 0.63). Blackness Democrats [b = 0.60, 95% CI = (0.37, 0.83)] and Black Independents (b = 0.97, 95% CI = (0.57, 1.36)] reported significantly higher ethnic identity salience compared with White Democrats and Independents (run across Figure 3).

Racial identity salience amid Black/African-American and White/European-American participants of different political affiliations (Republican, Democrat, Independent). Note. Fault bars represent 95% CIs around the mean for each subgroup.

We as well examined whether racial identity salience qualified the human relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. A moderation analysis using Hayes' PROCESS macro (model 1) indicated that higher racial identity salience somewhat strengthened the relationship between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump, merely only among White participants; ΔR ² = 0.03, F _{(i, 77)} = iii.94, p = 0.051. Among those low in racial identity salience, national nostalgia was unrelated to attitudes toward Trump; b = 0.27, 95% CI = (−0.03, 0.58). Those moderate [b = 0.43, 95% CI = (0.18, 70)] and high [b = 0.64, 95% CI = (0.31, 0.97)] in racial identity salience showed a strong relationship betwixt national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes.

As a last examination of Inquiry Question 1, a 2nd path model (Path Model 2, Figure 4) was compared with Path Model 1 to once more examine the interaction betwixt nostalgia and indigenous identity (on pro-Trump attitudes), and the interaction between political orientation and race (assessing its relationship with indigenous identity). When interpreting this model, information technology is important to note that path models are more often than not considered ineffective in examining interaction effects (Meyers et al., 2016). Path Model two showed much improved fit relative to Path Model 1 [χ2(10) = twoscore.47, p < 0.001, CFI = 0.95, RMSEA = 0.09⁶; SRMR = 0.05]. Likely due to the limitations of path models to compute interaction furnishings, in contrast to what was shown in the Procedure model, the interaction between race and political orientation (measured on a continuous scale) was not significantly associated with indigenous identity (β = −0.08, p = 0.210). Additionally, the interaction term between national nostalgia and ethnic identity was no longer associated with pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.13, p = 0.607). This suggests that for White participants, greater national nostalgia was associated with increased ethnic identity.

Path analysis estimating interaction furnishings (race × political orientation and indigenous identity × nostalgia) on pro-Trump attitudes. Annotation. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates.

Research Question 2

We next examined whether national nostalgia was positively related to racial prejudice. Bivariate correlations indicated that national nostalgia was positively associated with both anti-Black racial prejudice measured past the Symbolic Racism Scale (SRS) every bit well as perceived realistic threat measured by the Realistic Threat Scale (RTS, see Table i). To further examine the link between national nostalgia and racial prejudice, we tested whether racial prejudice moderated the link between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump using Hayes' PROCESS macro (model 1) with v,000 resamples. A significant moderation effect was identified. Participants reporting higher prejudice exhibited a stronger human relationship betwixt national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes; ΔR ⁱⁱ = 0.05, F _{(1, 178)} = 19.60, p < 0.001. Uncomplicated slopes were calculated and visualized using the interActive online utility, and are presented in Figure 5 (McCabe et al., 2018). The human relationship between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump was not-pregnant at depression levels of prejudice (those at least −i SD below the mean of SNS). Nevertheless, for those moderate to high in racial prejudice (0, +1, or +2 SDs above the mean of SNS), national nostalgia positively predicted pro-Trump attitudes (run into Figure 5). Interestingly, this result was institute separately for both White [ΔR ⁱⁱ = 0.03, F _{(1, 77)} = v.93, p = 0.02] and Black participants [ΔR ⁱⁱ = 0.09, F _{(1, 97)} = 17.44, p < 0.001], only there was no pregnant three-way interaction between national nostalgia, prejudice, and race (p = 0.14), then the results in Figure 5 are displayed for all participants.

Relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes moderated past anti-Black racial prejudice. Notation. Plots display simple slopes at −2, −1, 0, +1, and +2 SDs abroad from the mean of racial prejudice for all participants. PTCL, percentile.

Research Question 3

Will the relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice exist mediated by increased threat sensitivity?

We last examined whether the relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice would be mediated by outgroup threat perception (measured past the Realistic Threat Scale, RTS). A moderated mediation model was constructed using Hayes' PROCESS macro (model viii) to assess whether the proposed mediational effect might differ betwixt European-American and African-American participants. As shown in Figure half-dozen, the model indicated a pregnant indirect event of national nostalgia on prejudice through the mediator of perceived threat for both White/EA participants [β = 0.23, 95% CI = (0.12, 0.36)] and Black/AA participants [β = 0.22, 95% CI = (0.13, 0.32)]. The mediational indirect effect did non differ by participant race; β = 0.07, 95% CI = (−0.xv, 0.xiii).

Mediation of national nostalgia relationship with racial prejudice by outgroup threat perception, moderated past participant race.

To examine this question in the context of a path model, Path Model iii (Effigy 7) displays the proposed relationships betwixt national nostalgia and racial prejudice. Model 3 showed a moderate fit with the data, χ(ii) = 65.80, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.79; RMSEA = 0.41; SRMR = 0.07). When accounting for political orientation, race, national nostalgia, personal nostalgia, racial threat sensitivity, and racial prejudice in a structural equation arbitration model, national nostalgia directly predicted racial prejudice (β = 0.21, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia did not (β = 0.03, p = 0.581). The relationship betwixt national nostalgia and racial prejudice was significantly mediated by threat sensitivity [indirect upshot β = 0.18, 95% bias-corrected CI (0.10, 0.26)]. Interestingly, personal nostalgia also showed a weak indirect effect on national nostalgia via threat sensitivity, simply in a negative direction [indirect result β = −0.07, 95% bias-corrected CI (−0.14, −0.01)]. This suggests that greater personal nostalgia may weakly predict lower racial prejudice via reduced racial threat sensitivity.

Path assay of relationships between national/personal nostalgia and prejudice, mediated by racial threat sensitivity (Model 3). Note. Path coefficients correspond standardized estimates. Indirect effect of national nostalgia on racial prejudice through racial threat sensitivity was significant [β = 0.18; 95% bias-corrected CI (0.10, 0.26)].

Discussion

In our study, national nostalgia was associated with more positive feelings about President Trump, as well as increased perceived racial threat amidst White respondents. In contrast, personal nostalgia was unrelated to support for Trump or perceived racial threat. When assessed in a path model, personal nostalgia was actually associated indirectly with lower anti-Black prejudice via decreased racial threat sensitivity. These findings align with evidence from samples outside the United States (east.g., Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Smeekes et al., 2020) that personal and national nostalgia are singled-out experiences with unique ramifications for intergroup attitudes and relations. Though our overall finding that national nostalgia predicted Trump back up could reflect a potent semantic connection betwixt Trump and its 2022 presidential campaign slogan, it besides may indicate to the appeal of Trump'due south entrada—and its correct wing, populist sentiments—among those initially prone to feeling national nostalgia. To better answer this question, our next analyses investigated more closely the relationship between national nostalgia and identity.

Our beginning enquiry question asked whether identity was associated with national nostalgia. We institute partial evidence for this thought, as Republican participants expressed greater positive attitudes toward Trump. However, at that place was no evidence of a relationship between race and support for the President. At showtime glance, this finding does not align with media narratives and political polling suggesting that Trump'due south messaging appealed mostly to White voters. However, although race itself did not predict support for the President, racial identity salience moderated the link between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. White Republicans felt more strongly connected to their racial identity than Whites who identified as either Democrats or Independents. White Republicans also expressed significantly more positive feelings toward the President than other groups. In fact, they rated their racial identity as important as Black participants in our sample. This is notable, as information technology evidences further back up for the influence of White identity on political attitudes (Schildkraut, 2015). As members of the bulk grouping, White individuals typically are less likely to call back of themselves in terms of race than people of colour, for whom race is a more centralized component of their identity (Steck et al., 2003).

This finding suggests that the perception of demographic changes and threats to the ascendant ingroup in the United States may indeed accept been a critical gene in voters' choice to support Trump. Some enquiry suggests that, in the current political climate, White Americans may increasingly place with their Whiteness, as a result of threat resulting from shifting racial demographics (Jardina, 2019). Nevertheless, in that location is an issue of causality, every bit these correlational data could betoken that the perception of such a threat may increase the salience of ane's racial identity. This threat may be perceived more strongly past those for whom a White racial identity was already a more cardinal part of their self-concept. For instance, Schildkraut (2015) found that White Americans with college White identity scores, forth with heightened perception of bigotry against Whites and feeling a sense of linked fate with other White Americans, were substantially more likely to politically endorse a White candidate. This suggests that the threat to White identity, along with other related constructs, may influence political attitudes and may also offer an explanation on why leaders invoking national nostalgia may be then bonny to some individuals. This type of rhetoric typically emphasizes collective identity aperture in social club to foment feet about the state of the land while simultaneously offer a restorative outlet past identifying racial outgroups every bit scapegoats.

The office of intergroup attitudes was credible when examining the relationship betwixt national nostalgia and pro-Trump support. We constitute that national nostalgia significantly predicted racial prejudice and that this relationship was mediated by perceived outgroup threat. Interestingly, this mediational effect was plant amidst both White/EA and Black/AA participants, although the lack of a significant interaction consequence may have been due to lower power. Additionally, we found a stronger human relationship betwixt national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes amidst those who reported more than prejudice toward Black individuals. These findings marshal with evidence that group emotions motivate intergroup attitudes and, in item, outgroup derogation when outgroups are perceived to be a threat (Smith et al., 2007; Wildschut et al., 2014). In particular, these findings align with converging evidence that the content of collective nostalgia—what individuals perceive to be "the good old days" for their identity group—reflects salient sources of perceived threat (Wohl et al., 2020). This conceptual model, highlighting the content of commonage nostalgia, also explains differences between the emotional outcomes of personal and national nostalgia. Whereas, personal nostalgia enhances feelings of belonging by evoking memories of positive intrapersonal experiences in the face of ostracism or loneliness, national nostalgia may enhance belongingness by evoking positive thoughts about the "expert former days" when 1's group was perceived to exist college in status or less threatened by outgroups. Information technology is likewise possible that national nostalgia, like personal nostalgia, may enhance feelings of continuity in its own way, by assuasive individuals to feel connected to a fourth dimension in which they believed their ingroup identity was less threatened or somehow stronger. Recent piece of work supports the notion that, analogous to personal nostalgia, enhancing feelings of self-continuity (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019), national nostalgia is linked to feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018). A study across 27 countries found that national nostalgia was associated with stronger feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018); ingroup belonging only not prejudice (outgroup rejection) appeared to mediate this link. Since relatively little research on collective nostalgia, especially national nostalgia, has been undertaken, future piece of work should examine these questions via multiple methods, peculiarly longitudinal and experimental designs, which can identify whether and to what extent self-continuity is enhanced by (or itself predicts) collective nostalgia in response to outgroup threat.

Constraint on Generalizability

These data were obtained from a cantankerous-exclusive grouping of US Mturk workers in the Autumn of 2017, so these results are most generalizable to American middle-anile populations (Huff and Tingley, 2015). Additionally, these considerations of intergroup threat perception and prejudice are nearly generalizable to White/EA and Black/AA social groups within the United states, and future analysis of national nostalgia should go along to assess dissimilar ethnicities, races, and other relevant social categories.

Future Directions

These findings raise the question on whether national nostalgia stems from a desire past some to go dorsum in time, due to perceived group identity threats. Time to come research should use longitudinal or experimental methods, such equally manipulating identity threat, to examine whether national nostalgia arises as a defense force against perceived threats to ane's ingroup. Relatedly, it is only recently that national nostalgia has been manipulated (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Wohl et al., 2020), as the bulk of national nostalgia inquiry has been at the trait level. Further work evoking national nostalgia in experimental contexts would allow usa to better empathize how this emotion interacts with intergroup attitudes, prejudice, and feelings of threat. Nosotros should also continue to examine how the importance of racial identity, including white racial identity, plays a role in their political attitudes and bodily voting behavior. The demand for further research in this area has grown substantially in contempo years, especially in light of events such equally those that took place in Charlottesville in 2022 and at the US Capitol Building in early 2021, in which large groups of White Nationalists gathered in events that ultimately turned fierce.

An additional question to be explored is the extent to which national nostalgia operates within specific cultures and nations. Although Trump'southward presidential tenure has ended, the importance of these findings is not constrained simply to the rhetoric from his entrada. Rather, the use of national nostalgia in political communication is widespread (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020) and has far-reaching implications. Hereafter enquiry should examine the function of national nostalgia in shaping attitudes toward demagogues in a variety of settings and when because a variety of societal outcomes. Our findings suggest that national nostalgia may influence intergroup attitudes every bit a group-based emotion broadly through evoking positive emotions about one'due south national group identity. However, the nature of the construct suggests information technology may also operate through evoking shared historical knowledge and schemas about one's group within a specific nation. The phrase "brand America neat again" and other nostalgic political rhetoric is peculiarly controversial in the US because minority groups have achieved significant advances in ceremonious rights in recent history, and a call to return to a former fourth dimension may imply a call for a render to a onetime and less egalitarian social hierarchy. Future research on national nostalgia should explore the nuances of this emotion and its expression amid various ethnic and social groups in different countries. Expressions of national nostalgia may evoke intergroup hostility to a lesser extent within nations with unlike histories.

Hereafter research might too examine the extent to which perceptions of outgroup threat stem from realistic (e.k., economical) vs. symbolic (east.g., social/moral) concerns. Prior research has theorized that symbolic threats (rather than realistic threats) may exist more psychologically influential on voter support for right-wing populist ideology, equally concerns about immigration and intergroup relations tend to emphasize the importance of preserving cultural homogeneity (Smeekes et al., 2020). Agreement the source and salience of perceived economical and cultural threats could help inform interventions to assuage anxiety, thus reducing prejudice toward outgroups. Finally, with the always-evolving demographic makeup of the United states (every bit well equally many other countries), further piece of work in this expanse should include individuals who identify with other racial groups beyond White or Black, and should likewise exist expanded to look at different identities such equally gender, sexual orientation, organized religion, immigrant condition, social grade, education level, and nation of origin.

Coda

National nostalgia, a class of commonage nostalgic experience, is a promising lens through which to analyze attitudes, such as political and prejudicial attitudes, particularly when combined with assessments of identity salience and perceived outgroup threat. Inquiry to date on national nostalgia is relatively new. Although this phenomenon has been studied elsewhere (mostly in European and Asian nations), this is the first report, to our knowledge, to examine the US political mural. Personal nostalgia—a wistful longing for ane's personal past—does non accept the same associations with political and group attitudes, and only moderately correlates with national nostalgia. In contrast, national nostalgia, especially in combination with white identity salience and outgroup threat perception, predicted both prejudice and political attitudes.

There may be some irony in the possibility that national nostalgia may include beliefs for a past that never was; in this example, an America that was non as white as some recollect. Nevertheless, these national nostalgic feelings announced to be linked to of import social attitudes, and thus are worthy of further investigation.

Data Availability Statement

The datasets presented in this study tin can be found in online repositories. All reported report hypotheses, measures, and methods were preregistered through the Open Science Framework, available at https://osf.io/mwh6n. De-identified data and study data tin can exist viewed at https://osf.io/6j4gm/. Some survey measures listed in the preregistration were not analyzed in this study and therefore not listed in this report.

Ideals Statement

The studies involving homo participants were reviewed and canonical past Virginia Republic University IRB. The patients/participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.

Author Contributions

AB, AC, and CH compiled and submitted all documentation for IRB ethics review and OSF pre-registration. AB and Air-conditioning oversaw data collection and assay. AB wrote the first draft of the manuscript. All authors collectively contributed to the conception and design of the study and assisted with subsequent revisions.

Disharmonize of Interest

The authors declare that the inquiry was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could exist construed equally a potential disharmonize of involvement.

Footnotes

¹We note that intergroup relations were also a salient theme in the 2022 election (e.g., the role of the Black Lives Matter motility); withal, as our data were collected in 2017, we emphasize the 2022 election in this paper.

²Though a majority of all not-White voters supported Hillary Clinton over Donald Trump, the exit polls showed that the greatest differential was among Black voters, who voted in Clinton's favor by a margin of 89 to eight% (CNN, 2016). Thus, we chose to utilise Black voters as a comparison group to the Caucasian sample.

³The Pearson correlation betwixt national nostalgia and outgroup prejudice reported by Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015, study 2).

^fourThe authors would like to note that this scale was not included in the original pre-registration, every bit it was published merely prior to the time this study was developed. However, the decision was made prior to data drove to utilize this validated scale as a more than direct and statistically sound manner to measure out the construct of national nostalgia.

⁵Although structural equation models are often used to model paths amidst composite variables (such as national and personal nostalgia), we opted to use a path model for these analyses given that our sample was not large enough to justify inclusion of all private items in the model.

⁶Although RMSEA greater than 0.08 is oft considered marginal fit, RMSEA has been known to become inflated with sample sizes lower than 200 (Meyers et al., 2016).

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Source: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC8079816/

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